# Closest Senate race in 2026?

Before Jan 3, 2027

Updated: April 29, 2026

Category: Elections

Tags: US Elections

HTML: /markets/elections/us-elections/closest-senate-race-in-2026/

## Short Answer

**Key takeaway.** Both the **model** and the **market** expect Texas to be the closest Senate race in 2026, with no compelling evidence of mispricing.

## Key Claims (January 2026)

**- - Georgia and Michigan incumbents align strongly with President Biden.** - Suburban demographic shifts make Georgia an increasingly competitive state.
- No credible primary challenges reported for incumbent senators.
- Senator Collins' strong fundraising suggests her re-election in Maine.
- Louisiana lacks evidence for becoming the closest national race.

### Why This Matters (GEO)

- AI agents extract claims, not arguments.
- Improves citation probability in summaries and answer cards.
- Enables fact stitching across multiple sources.

## Executive Verdict

**Key takeaway.** **Model**'s **1.8%** for Texas, rated -3, implies a +0.2 point gap from the 2c **market**.

### Who Wins and Why

| Outcome | Market | Model | Why |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Georgia | 8.3% | 13.4% | Model higher by 5.1pp |
| Texas | 20.0% | 15.5% | Market higher by 4.5pp |
| Nebraska | 8.4% | 8.8% | Model higher by 0.4pp |

## Model vs Market

| Outcome | Market Probability | Octagon Model Probability |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Georgia | 8.3% | 13.4% |
| Texas | 20.0% | 15.5% |
| Nebraska | 8.4% | 8.8% |
| Iowa | 8.0% | 8.5% |
| Ohio | 10.0% | 10.4% |
| Michigan | 6.5% | 9.3% |
| Maine | 9.0% | 9.4% |
| Alaska | 12.0% | 12.3% |
| North Carolina | 5.0% | 6.3% |
| New Hampshire | 4.0% | 4.3% |
| Minnesota | 1.6% | 1.8% |

- Expiration: January 3, 2027

## Market Behavior & Price Dynamics

This prediction market's price action has been entirely static since its inception. The chart shows a flat, sideways trend, with the probability of the Minnesota Senate race being the closest in 2026 holding steady at 1.6%. There have been no significant price movements, spikes, or drops to analyze. This lack of volatility corresponds with the absence of any specific news or developments that would prompt traders to re-evaluate the initial odds.

The trading volume provides insight into the market's conviction and liquidity. All of the approximately 158 contracts were traded on the first day of available data, establishing the 1.6% price point. Since then, there has been zero trading activity, indicating a highly illiquid market with very low participant engagement. This suggests that the initial assessment has not been challenged or reinforced by new money. Consequently, 1.6% serves as the market's only established price level, acting as both the de facto support and resistance. Overall, the chart reflects a market sentiment that assigns a very low and stable probability to this outcome, with no new information or interest to suggest a change in the near term.

## Contract Snapshot

For a "Yes" resolution for Texas, it must have the smallest margin of victory among all 2026 United States Senate elections as of January 3, 2027. A "No" resolution occurs if another state has a smaller margin, or if the Texas election is postponed or lacks sufficient results by this deadline.

The market closes by January 2, 2027, at 11:59 PM EST, or earlier if all election outcomes are decided. Margin of victory is the absolute percentage point difference between the first and second place finishers; identical margins result in tied options splitting the payout equally, and preliminary results are used if 95% of votes are counted but official results are unavailable.

## Market Discussion

Traders are actively discussing which state will host the closest Senate race in 2026, with Texas, Alaska, and Ohio currently leading the probabilities.
Key arguments include the debate over Alaska's ranked-choice voting potentially distorting perceived margins, with some believing it could mask a closer race (51-49 appearing as 51-42), while others predict a comfortable win for Dan Sullivan. Nebraska is also discussed, with some citing early tight polls and the potential impact of Donald Trump, countered by arguments that Pete Ricketts is a strong candidate likely to win by significant margins.
There is no clear consensus, and some participants suggest adding Florida or question Nebraska's exclusion, indicating a fluid perception of competitive races.

## Market Data

| Contract | Yes Bid | Yes Ask | Last Price | Volume | Open Interest |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Alaska | 11% | 12% | 12% | $4,238.41 | $3,529.41 |
| Georgia | 7.9% | 8% | 8.3% | $15,491.96 | $9,445.25 |
| Iowa | 8% | 9% | 8% | $8,446.47 | $8,064.51 |
| Maine | 8% | 9% | 9% | $5,564.45 | $4,975.45 |
| Michigan | 5% | 8.7% | 6.5% | $5,565.12 | $3,831.12 |
| Minnesota | 1% | 1.4% | 1.6% | $389.5 | $385.5 |
| North Carolina | 5% | 6% | 5% | $3,882.88 | $3,383.44 |
| Nebraska | 7.1% | 8.4% | 8.4% | $8,827.55 | $8,825.55 |
| New Hampshire | 2.2% | 2.9% | 4% | $3,100 | $2,726 |
| Ohio | 9.7% | 14% | 10% | $7,481.86 | $6,280.86 |
| Texas | 18% | 20% | 20% | $12,501.22 | $10,274.34 |

## Are Incumbent Senators Facing Credible Primary Challenges?

Senator Raphael Warnock Q4 2025 Receipts | $3,210,500 [[^]](https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00736876/1943738/) |
Senator Gary Peters Q4 2025 Receipts | $4.2 million [[^]](https://www.detroitnews.com/story/news/politics/2026/01/31/michigan-senate-fundraising-haley-stevens-mike-rogers-mallory-mcmorrow-abdul-el-sayed/88448818007/) |
Senator Thom Tillis vs. Challenger Fundraising Ratio | 16.07:1 [[^]](https://ncnewsline.com/2025/02/03/tillis-reports-sizable-haul-in-latest-federal-campaign-finance-report/) |

**Incumbent senators currently face no credible primary challenges by specific metric**

Incumbent senators currently face no credible primary challenges by specific metric. None of the examined incumbent senators—Raphael Warnock (D-GA), Gary Peters (D-MI), or Thom Tillis (R-NC)—are currently facing a primary challenge where their top challenger has a fundraising gap of less than 3:1, according to Q4 2025 FEC filings. For Senators Warnock and Peters, no primary challengers with reported Q4 2025 fundraising were identified in the available sources, preventing a comparison against the specified fundraising criteria for a credible challenge [[^]](https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00736876/1943738/).

Warnock and Peters lacked reported primary challengers for comparison. Senator Raphael Warnock reported **$3,210,500** in total receipts for the fourth quarter of 2025 [[^]](https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00736876/1943738/). During the same period, Senator Gary Peters raised **$4.2** million [[^]](https://www.detroitnews.com/story/news/politics/2026/01/31/michigan-senate-fundraising-haley-stevens-mike-rogers-mallory-mcmorrow-abdul-el-sayed/88448818007/). As neither senator had drawn a primary opponent with reported fundraising data by the end of 2025, an assessment against the specified 3:1 fundraising criteria for a credible challenge could not be made for these two incumbents [[^]](https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00736876/1943738/).

Senator Tillis's challenger's fundraising significantly trails the incumbent. In North Carolina, Senator Thom Tillis raised **$4.1** million in Q4 2025 [[^]](https://ncnewsline.com/2025/02/03/tillis-reports-sizable-haul-in-latest-federal-campaign-finance-report/). His potential Republican primary challenger, Michael Whatley, reported total receipts of **$255,000** for the same period [[^]](https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/S6NC00415/?tab=raising). This results in a fundraising ratio of approximately 16.07:1 between Senator Tillis and Whatley, which is considerably higher than the 3:1 threshold defined for a credible primary challenge [[^]](https://ncnewsline.com/2025/02/03/tillis-reports-sizable-haul-in-latest-federal-campaign-finance-report/). Therefore, based on Q4 2025 FEC filings, none of the incumbent senators meet the specified criteria for facing a credible primary challenge.

## How Do TV Ad GRPs Compare: Michigan vs. North Carolina?

Michigan Top DMA Ranks | Detroit #15, Grand Rapids #45 (Nielsen 2024) [[^]](https://methodshop.com/2024-nielsen-dma-rankings/) |
North Carolina Top DMA Ranks | Charlotte #21, Raleigh-Durham #24 (Nielsen 2024) [[^]](https://methodshop.com/2024-nielsen-dma-rankings/) |
Political TV Ad GRP Cost | $500-$1,000 (local broadcast), $100-$300 (local cable) [[^]](https://adwave.com/resources/political-ad-rates-2026) |

**Direct cost-per-GRP comparison is hindered by unavailable 2024 rate cards**

Direct cost-per-GRP comparison is hindered by unavailable 2024 rate cards. Specific 2024 TV advertising rate cards for key media markets in Michigan (Detroit, Grand Rapids) and North Carolina (Charlotte, Raleigh-Durham) are not publicly accessible, which prevents a direct cost-per-GRP comparison [[^]](https://adwave.com/resources/political-ad-rates-2026). However, Nielsen's 2024 DMA rankings indicate that Michigan's combined key markets (Detroit #15, Grand Rapids-Kalamazoo-Battle Creek #45) represent a larger audience potential compared to North Carolina's combined key markets (Charlotte #21, Raleigh-Durham #24) [[^]](https://methodshop.com/2024-nielsen-dma-rankings/).

Political advertising costs generally escalate in competitive swing states. While precise cost-per-GRP figures for 2024 are not available, political advertising expenses typically increase significantly in the final weeks before an election, especially in competitive battleground states [[^]](https://adwave.com/resources/political-ad-rates-2026). Both Michigan and North Carolina are consistently considered crucial swing states, which contributes to higher demand and consequently increases the cost-per-GRP [[^]](https://adwave.com/resources/political-ad-rates-2026). For context, a 30-second spot to achieve one GRP on local broadcast television can range from **$500** to **$1,000,** with local cable being less expensive at **$100**-**$300,** and these costs escalate further as election day approaches [[^]](https://adwave.com/resources/political-ad-rates-2026).

Michigan's larger **market** size suggests higher GRP potential for campaigns. Given the larger combined DMA rankings for Michigan's key markets (Detroit #15, Grand Rapids #45) compared to North Carolina's (Charlotte #21, Raleigh-Durham #24), it is plausible that a campaign could achieve a higher total volume of GRPs in Michigan with a comparable financial investment, assuming similar cost-per-point efficiency [[^]](https://methodshop.com/2024-nielsen-dma-rankings/). This remains an inference based on **market** size and general advertising trends, rather than a definitive calculation derived from specific 2024 rate card data.

## Which Senators' Voting Records Align Most with President Biden?

Ossoff, Warnock, Peters Voting Alignment (2023) | 98% with President Biden [[^]](https://abcnews.com/538/member-congress-voted-biden-2023/story?id=106718543) |
Senator Gary Peters Alignment (2024) | Most in agreement with Biden [[^]](http://www.govtrack.us/congress/members/gary_peters/412305/report-card/2024) |
Senator Thom Tillis Voting Alignment (2023) | 54% with President Biden [[^]](https://abcnews.com/538/member-congress-voted-biden-2023/story?id=106718543) |

**Senators Jon Ossoff (GA), Raphael Warnock (GA), and Gary Peters (MI) show the highest statistical correlation with President Biden's policy positions, indicating their races are most likely to be nationalized**

Senators Jon Ossoff (GA), Raphael Warnock (GA), and Gary Peters (MI) show the highest statistical correlation with President Biden's policy positions, indicating their races are most likely to be nationalized. In 2023, these three Democratic Senators voted with President Biden **98%** of the time, demonstrating strong legislative alignment with the President's agenda [[^]](https://abcnews.com/538/member-congress-voted-biden-2023/story?id=106718543). Senator Gary Peters' 2024 report card from GovTrack.us also described him as "Most in agreement with Biden," further underscoring his close alignment [[^]](http://www.govtrack.us/congress/members/gary_peters/412305/report-card/2024). This high degree of voting alignment means their political fates are closely tied to the national perception and approval of the President and his administration's policies.

Their strong alignment makes their races vulnerable to national political trends. The consistent support for the President's legislative initiatives by Ossoff, Warnock, and Peters makes their electoral contests highly susceptible to national political tides, including shifts in the President's approval rating. In contrast, Senator Thom Tillis (NC), a Republican, voted with President Biden **54%** of the time in 2023 [[^]](https://abcnews.com/538/member-congress-voted-biden-2023/story?id=106718543), which represents a significantly lower rate of alignment compared to the Democratic Senators. While a Republican Senator's race can be nationalized through opposition to the sitting President, the research question specifically asks for the highest statistical correlation with the President's approval rating, which typically implies alignment. Therefore, the strong and consistent voting records of Ossoff, Warnock, and Peters with President Biden position their upcoming races as highly correlated with the national sentiment surrounding the presidency.

## Do Collins and Cassidy Show Similar Re-election Campaign Infrastructure?

Collins Cash on Hand | $3,616,144.38 for 2026 cycle (as of March 31, 2024) [[^]](https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/S6ME00159/?tab=summary) |
Cassidy Cash on Hand | $7.5 million for 2026 cycle (as of Q1) [[^]](https://www.billcassidy.com/post/cassidy-raises-1-36-million-in-q1-enters-2026-with-7-5-million-on-hand-and-expanded-finance-commi) |
Cassidy Direct Campaign Actions | Expanded Finance Committee, released strategic memo [[^]](https://www.billcassidy.com/post/cassidy-raises-1-36-million-in-q1-enters-2026-with-7-5-million-on-hand-and-expanded-finance-commi) |

**Both Senators demonstrate strong early fundraising, indicating re-election intentions**

Both Senators demonstrate strong early fundraising, indicating re-election intentions. Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) reported **$3,450,776.24** in receipts and **$3,616,144.38** cash on hand for the 2026 cycle as of March 31, 2024 [[^]](https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/S6ME00159/?tab=summary). She also disclosed an additional **$1.6** million [[^]](https://www.quiverquant.com/news/Fundraising+Update:+Senator+Susan+M.+Collins+just+disclosed+**$1.6M**+of+new+fundraising) and **$2.3** million [[^]](https://www.quiverquant.com/news/Fundraising+Update%3A+Senator+Susan+M.+Collins+just+disclosed+%242.3M+of+new+fundraising) in fundraising. Similarly, Senator Bill Cassidy (R-LA) raised **$1.36** million in the first quarter and began the 2026 cycle with **$7.5** million cash on hand [[^]](https://www.billcassidy.com/post/cassidy-raises-1-36-million-in-q1-enters-2026-with-7-5-million-on-hand-and-expanded-finance-commi), with further disclosures of **$630,500** in new fundraising [[^]](https://www.quiverquant.com/news/Fundraising+Update%3A+Senator+Bill+Cassidy+just+disclosed+%24630.5K+of+new+fundraising).

Campaign infrastructure developments vary, with Senator Collins showing fewer direct campaign steps. Senator Collins has announced updates to her senior Senate office staff, including a new Communications Director and Chief of Staff [[^]](https://www.quiverquant.com/news/Press+Release%3A+Senator+Susan+Collins+Announces+Senior+Staff+Updates), but these relate to her official Senate office rather than explicit campaign staff or committees. In contrast, Senator Cassidy has implemented more direct campaign-specific organizational changes. These include expanding his campaign's Finance Committee and releasing a 'State of the Race Memo' detailing his strategic outlook [[^]](https://www.billcassidy.com/post/cassidy-raises-1-36-million-in-q1-enters-2026-with-7-5-million-on-hand-and-expanded-finance-commi). This comparison suggests that while both senators are engaged in substantial early re-election efforts, Senator Collins has shown comparatively fewer direct campaign-specific organizational updates than Senator Cassidy.

## How do Texas and Georgia's suburban demographics impact partisan leanings?

Direct Party Registration (TX/GA) | Not possible; neither state registers voters by party affiliation [[^]](https://www.sos.state.tx.us/elections/historical/nov2025.shtml) |
Texas Suburban Partisan Trend | Fast-growing counties becoming "less reliably Republican" [[^]](http://kinder.rice.edu/urbanedge/texas-largest-suburban-counties-are-growing-fast-are-they-growing-less-reliably) |
Georgia Suburban Partisan Data | No specific comparative data on partisan composition rate of change available [[^]](https://independentvoterproject.org/voter-stats/ga) |

**Direct partisan registration data is unavailable for both states**

Direct partisan registration data is unavailable for both states. Neither Texas nor Georgia directly registers voters by party affiliation (Democrat, Republican, or Independent), which prevents direct measurement of changes in D/R/I composition from voter registration data for the November 2024 to November 2025 period [[^]](https://www.sos.state.tx.us/elections/historical/nov2025.shtml). Voters in both states typically declare their party preference during primary elections, rather than during general voter registration, and overall registration numbers do not differentiate by party.

Texas's suburban counties exhibit documented shifts in partisan leanings. Despite the absence of direct partisan registration data, research indicates significant demographic shifts in fast-growing Texas counties such as Collin and Denton. Analysis from Rice University's Kinder Institute for Urban Research specifically questions whether these counties, while growing rapidly, are "growing less reliably Republican?" [[^]](http://kinder.rice.edu/urbanedge/texas-largest-suburban-counties-are-growing-fast-are-they-growing-less-reliably). This suggests a measurable shift in underlying partisan leanings within these key demographic areas, which could contribute to narrowing statewide margins more than historical models might predict [[^]](http://kinder.rice.edu/urbanedge/texas-largest-suburban-counties-are-growing-fast-are-they-growing-less-reliably).

Georgia's data does not explicitly detail partisan composition changes. While Georgia counties like Gwinnett and Cobb are recognized for substantial population growth and demographic transformations over recent election cycles, the provided sources primarily offer general voter registration statistics and totals for these counties [[^]](https://independentvoterproject.org/voter-stats/ga). These sources do not specifically describe a rate of change in partisan composition or a definitive shift in party reliability in the same explicit manner as documented for Texas's suburban counties during the specified timeframe. Therefore, based on the available research, Texas's fastest-growing suburban counties show a more explicitly documented trend of changing partisan composition that directly addresses the potential to narrow statewide margins [[^]](http://kinder.rice.edu/urbanedge/texas-largest-suburban-counties-are-growing-fast-are-they-growing-less-reliably).

## What Could Change the Odds

**Key takeaway.** Catalyst analysis unavailable.

## Key Dates & Catalysts

- **Expiration:** January 10, 2027
- **Closes:** January 03, 2027

## Decision-Flipping Events

- Catalyst analysis unavailable.

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## Historical Resolutions

No historical resolution data available for this series.

## Disclaimer

This content is for informational and educational purposes only and does not constitute financial, investment, legal, or trading advice.
Prediction markets involve risk of loss. Past performance does not guarantee future results.
We are not affiliated with Kalshi or any prediction market platform. Market data may be delayed or incomplete.

### Data Sources & Model Transparency

**Data Sources:** Octagon Deep Research aggregates information from multiple sources including news, filings, and market data.

**Freshness:** Analysis is generated periodically and may not reflect the latest developments. Verify critical information from primary sources.